Understanding Cooperation from The Experiences of Minang Migrant Women

. Cooperation in the matrilineal Minang ethnic group is considered an essential element of their kinship system, especially cooperation with kins from the mother's side. With the increasing number of Minang women migrating to get a better education, this study aims to understand how cooperation is carried out by Minang migrant women and the realized form of cooperation. In-depth interviews were conducted with five Minang migrant women in Yogyakarta, as part of exploratory qualitative research, attempting to describe the migrant experience's participants. We found that the values taught are more inclined towards positive interdependence and effective action through coding analysis. Based on these positive idealizations, cooperation was generally achieved by mutual help (tolong-menolong) through equality matching, where there was a reciprocal relationship to achieve balance, which tends to occur at the level of the inter-group relations. We also found that cooperation tends to happen within the mother's family, parallel to the ideal of the Minang kinship system. This study explored how cooperation was carried out by Minang migrant women and the forms of cooperation realized. Based on the interview results, it was uncovered that as in Minang custom, the value of cooperation was realized by Minang women in the form of mutual help, which has been taught since childhood and has become a habit for them. It denotes that mutual help as a form of cooperation in Minang customs is the key to their kinship system. Not only that, mutual help in migration areas also occurred because of the solidarity nature of the Minang community, where they felt the same fate and wanted to maintain their kinship so that mutual help activities were realized. This study resulted in a synthesis of four themes of mutual help carried out by Minang women who migrated: individuals prioritized for helping, the type of help provided, the type of help obtained, and the hopes of help that arise during migration. This synthesis can show how cooperation in Minang migrant women.


INTRODUCTION
The Minangkabau or Minang ethnicity is one of the prominent ethnic groups with cultural and historical values in Indonesia. This ethnic group mostly inhabits West Sumatra, but in some areas, people also adhere to the Minangkabau culture, which covers half of the Riau mainland, northern Bengkulu, western Jambi, and southern North Sumatra (Malik, 2018). They also use the language and uphold Minangkabau culture. One of the Minang ethnic customs can be seen from the family system, which inherits lineage and family property through women (matrilineal).
In addition, the Minang ethnic is known to have a tradition of merantau (migration). This migration is carried out by leaving the homeland to the lowlands or watersheds or part of the coastal area (Naim, 1979). Migration areas, in general, are located outside the nagari (their tribal settlements). Initially, it was carried out in the coastal areas (along the west coast of Aceh to Bengkulu) or downstream (Jambi, Riau, to Negeri Sembilan, Malaysia) (Amalia et al., 2019). However, it has now become more common to migrate across provinces or countries.
Migration is mostly done by Minang men to deepen their religious or commercial knowledge (Kato, 2005 ;Chadwick, 1991). When the men migrate, the women are expected to stay in the na-One of the cooperation activities carried out is mutual help, especially in the agricultural sector, where Minang women work together, such as planting, mengiray (shaking), and mengangin (aerating), which is usually done after the rice harvest (Firman, 2018). It aligns with the Minang people's philosophy of life "bakato baiyo, bajalan bamolah" (deciding by negotiation and consensus), which illustrates the strong sense of mutual help in Minang society (Firman, 2018).
In migration conditions, the Minang people still adhere to their traditional values. Cooperation is still carried out, as Malik (2018)found, where the Minang community in Surakarta holds an agenda every month to help each other maintain their cooperation. Cooperation is also still carried out by the Minang community even though they are of different ethnicities and social environments. Based on Amalia et al. (2019) research, harmonious cooperation is found between the Minangkabau and Nias ethnic groups in Nagari Sungai Buluh Barat, consisting of sociocultural, economic, and religious cooperation. From their research, cooperation can be realized as humans need to live with other people and unite with their social environment and as an effort to adapt in their migration area.
Cooperation is also a combination of two basic ideas between the type of interdependence that corresponds to the goals of the people involved in a particular situation and the types of actions performed by the people involved (Deutsch, 2012). This activity is not solely related to migration itself, but Minang women who migrate require interdependence and action to realize cooperation. In the lens of social interdependence theory, there are two types of interdependence: positive and negative interdependence (Johnson & Johnson, 1989). The combination of positive interdependence and this type of effective action has led to the realization of cooperation among Minang migrant women, affecting their three psychological processes. The first aspect is substitutability, namely the degree to which Minang migrant women are likely to act reciprocally with other people; the second is inducibility, i.e., their openness to influence and be influenced by others; the third is positive cathexis, where Minang migrant women invest positive psychological energy into objects that are not themselves (Johnson & Johnson, 1989).
As a form of social interaction, cooperation has various models. Based on the Relational Models Theory developed by Alan Fiske (1991;1992), there are four basic cognitive models in terms of proposed social relationships: (1) communal sharing (relationships based on unity and solidarity by eliminating individual differences and identity), (2) authority ranking (relationships structured under the hierarchy), (3) equality matching (relationships with equal power and rights in related sections), and (4) market pricing (relationships based on proportions and ratios). It is also explained by Haslam & Fiske (1999) that culture has a role in the way they use and combine the four models, applying them to different social tasks in different combinations. This model can be used to see the form of cooperation in Minang migrant women in this study.
Previous research has focused more on the migration phenomenon of Minang men with a discussion of changes in the support for the matrilineal kinship system as a result of the migration incident (Widihastuti et al., 2019) and how these Minang men preserve and realize their cultural values at the place of migration through kinship ties carried out (Malik, 2018). In addition, a previous study on the migration of Minang women has focused on the background of Minangkabau women's migration and the migration process itself (Oktavia et al., 2015). Meanwhile, this study was conducted to explore how Minang migrant women carry out cooperation and how this form of cooperation is realized.

METHOD
This study used an exploratory qualitative research method to describe the participants' experience and meaning of migration experience. Research participants were involved through purposive sampling by setting inclusion criteria: 1) Minang women who had migrated, 2) aged 18-25 years, and 3) had migrated ≥ a year. Five Minang women ( x̄ age of 18.6) were voluntarily involved as participants in this study. All participants were students currently studying in Yogyakarta.
The data were collected by semi-structured interviews focusing on the meaning of migration and participant cooperation. Researchers compiled and adapted interview questions to research questions by limiting questions to migration experiences, friendships, problems that arose, and efforts to solve them. For example, "Please tell me, how did you decide to migrate in the first place?", "How did you solve the problems at the place of migration without family?" or "How did you make friends at the place of migration?" In addition, informed consent was provided verbally and in writing to each participant. Data collection was carried out by face-to-face interviews at the campus, boarding houses, or cafes, conducted in February-August 2019. During data collection, participants alternately used Indonesian, English, and Minang languages, depending on the nuances of the information they wanted to disclose.
This study applied coding analysis by providing codes according to the questions (Saldaña, 2014). In the initial stage, the first researcher entered interview transcripts and research notes into a spreadsheet. The first researcher independently provided the codes according to the interview questions asked. The first researcher discussed with the second researcher the mapped codes and intensively discussed the categories in parallel. The data analysis was then continued by the first and third researchers by describing the experiences underwent by each participant and how they happened. In a panel, all researchers then narrowed down and gave names and definitions to the codes.

Understanding of family
The family is a crucial component in the kinship of the Minang community, where social interaction in the form of cooperation can be carried out within the kinship. Thus, participants' understanding of the family becomes essential to understand their cooperation in their migration conditions. Participants' understanding of family can be seen from the figure they consider family and their closeness to the family. The figures considered family by the participants included: (1) all members of the father's and mother's family, (2) someone with strong emotional ties, and (3) close friends, i.e., those who had known the participants for a long time. In terms of closeness and interaction, each participant had a different experience. It was found that some participants were closer to the mother's family because of the close physical distance and having activities that they liked to do together. However, it did not limit the closeness to the father's family because of the closer distance of the residence. Nevertheless, one participant had close ties to both the father's and mother's families equally.

Mutual help as a form of cooperation
It was found that the form of cooperation carried out by Minang women during migration was mutual help, which could be divided into two activities: getting help and giving help. For the participants, helping out is an activity their families have taught for a long time. "Iya, karena Z emang kayak diajarin dari dulu gitu loh kak, Z tu dikirimin sama abang-abang sepupu Z karena dulu papa Z sering ngirimin juga ke sepupu Z pas lagi kuliah. Jadi kayak diajarin bantu-bantu, gitu seberapa aja yang penting ada gitu." (Z, 19 tahun) ["Yes, because Z is being taught from a long time ago. Z's were sent gifts by Z's cousins because, in the past, Z's father used to send them to Z's cousins when they were in college. So, it is like being taught to help out, no matter how much, the important thing is to do it." (Z, 19 years old)] Helping had also become a habit for the participants, even before they migrated. As something that has been done for a long time, the activity of helping is an activity that they enjoy that they enjoy and not forced. "Karena aku suka ngebantuin orang. Aku gak mau muji diri aku ya, tapi aku emang suka bantu orang." (AS, 19 tahun) ["Because I like helping people. I do not want to brag about myself, but I really like helping people." (AS, 19 years old) ] Mutual help as a form of cooperation in migration conditions can be divided into four themes: (1) priority in helping; (2) the help provided; (3) the help obtained; (4) hopes for help that arise in migration conditions.

Priority in helping
Each participant had different priorities in choosing the person prioritized for help. However, these priorities were still within the same scope, namely family, both nuclear family and extended family, as long as there are blood ties between them. Even though in a condition of migration and far from home, the main priority for mutual help still falls to the nuclear family, consisting of father, mother, and siblings. For large families that are also included in the priority of mutual help, the mother's family is usually prioritized for various reasons, i.e., due to the close physical distance and more intensity of interaction than the father's extended family. It is also in line with the matrilineal kinship system of the Minang ethnic group, where the priority of mutual help is usually focused on the mother's lineage. However, there was one participant who prioritized both extended families. According to her, both families had the same portion of mutual help.

The help provided
The help provided by participants in mutual help activities varied. Usually, this form of help corresponds to the help being needed. However, other forms of help are provided, such as services performed by participants for the beneficiary and financial assistance.

The help obtained
As with the help given, the form of help obtained by participants from the helper varied. There were also similarities between the forms of help given and obtained. It was done to fulfill the reciprocal relationship of mutual help. The help obtained included (1) the help corresponding to the help being needed; (2) financial assistance; (3) prayer assistance aimed at participants' needs; (4) required services; and (5) suggestions and advice if needed.  (RY,18 tahun) ["Yes, R's uncle gave R money. Then, he seemed to have a promise like, "for example, if R is like this, uncle will give you this." Yes, even if, for example, R is not given anything, it is okay because he says that, it means that he is happy and encourages R. R knows it will be, "Yes, it is impossible to be like this", but he is happy that he feels compassionate with R." (RY, 18 years old)] "Iya ada sih kadang itu abang sepupu Z sering kalau dia lagi baru gajian gitu bantu. Tante

Hopes for help that arise in migration conditions
With the priority of mutual help activities usually done with their families, participants also usually carried out mutual help activities. There is also hope that participants would get help from their families. However, it did not prevent participants from expecting help from other parties during migration conditions. In the migration area, participants tended to expect help from close friends because of the closer physical distance, making the interaction intensity more frequent, and by mentioning that they would do the same if someone needed their help.
Besides hoping to get help in the form of goods and services, this hope was also formed because, during migration, participants often needed a sense of belonging with friends in the migration area where they could feel welcome. Friends here are those with a close distance, such as college friends, friends in the same place of residence, and others. The conditions of being far from their hometowns also made participants need emotional support from friends to feel accepted by them. This study explored how cooperation was carried out by Minang migrant women and the forms of cooperation realized. Based on the interview results, it was uncovered that as in Minang custom, the value of cooperation was realized by Minang women in the form of mutual help, which has been taught since childhood and has become a habit for them. It denotes that mutual help as a form of cooperation in Minang customs is the key to their kinship system. Not only that, mutual help in migration areas also occurred because of the solidarity nature of the Minang community, where they felt the same fate and wanted to maintain their kinship so that mutual help activities were realized. This study resulted in a synthesis of four themes of mutual help carried out by Minang women who migrated: individuals prioritized for helping, the type of help provided, the type of help obtained, and the hopes of help that arise during migration. This synthesis can show how cooperation was realized in Minang migrant women.
While at home, Minang women do mutual help, which is generally done with the family, especially the mother's family according to the matrilineal kinship system adopted by the Minang ethnic group. Mutual help can also be realized through various activities they often do together. It is the same as the Minang people, who often cooperate in the form of mutual help in agriculture as a joint activity (Firman, 2018). In places of migration, cooperation priority was more on the nuclear family, consisting of father, mother, and siblings. It then extended to the mother's extended family and the father's extended family. In addition, the help provided by Minang women included assistance in the form of services, financial assistance, or assistance corresponding to their needs. Those were also the help obtained by Minang women, but with additional help in the form of prayers, suggestions, and advice needed.
Minang women in migration places have contributed to various changes regarding their needs. Due to the condition of being far away from their family, the hope of mutual help in the migration area emerges among the Minang women. Although Minang women continued to do mutual help in the migration area with their families in their hometowns, most Minang women also hoped to get help from friends in the migration area, even though they were of different ethnicities. This is because the physical distance was closer so that the intensity of the interaction became more frequent. Minang women were also willing to do the same if anyone needed their help.
One of the reasons for the hope of mutual help from friends is because they often needed a feeling of belonging to their friends in the migration area. The condition of being far from hometown also caused the need for emotional support from friends in the migration area. In addition to meeting needs, mutual help with other parties was carried out as a form of the psychocultural adaptation process to create effective communication with people from different cultures (Ananda & Sarwoprasodjo, 2017). This mutual help is also expected to make Minang women who migrated become more independent. Meanwhile, the expectation of mutual help with other parties in Minang women in migration conditions is consistent with Amalia at al., (2019) findings, where the Minang people carry out harmonious cooperation even though they are of different ethnicities and in different social environments.
The cooperation carried out by Minang women in migration conditions showed the existence of positive interdependence and effective action in accordance with the theory of cooperation and competition (Dudija, 2015). This theory also explains that the realization of cooperation can affect three individual psychological processes, namely substitutability, cathexis, and inducibility (Johnson & Johnson, 1989). The existence of mutual help as a form of cooperation manifested between Minang women and their families during migration is a form of positive substitutability, namely the possibility of Minang women taking reciprocal actions with other people. However, the hope of Minang women to realize mutual help with parties other than the family when migrating caused the substitutability process for Minang women to change, which used to only receive assistance from the family to a tendency for reciprocal actions with friends to meet the necessary needs. The expectations of the Minang migrant women are a manifestation of positive cathexis. It can be seen from how they invested positive psychological energy in the form of the hope of helping friends at the migration site when they needed help to meet their needs. This expectation can also be a manifestation of positive inducibility, which is a form of their openness to influence and be influenced by others (Johnson & Johnson, 1989). For example, by cooperating with other individuals in Yogyakarta, Minang women could certainly influence or be influenced by the culture or customs of other ethnic groups.
Furthermore, the Minang women's cooperation manifested in migration conditions is related to the Relational Models Theory (A. Fiske, 1992). From the four existing models, Equality Matching (EM), which explains that one will act cautiously in an attempt to balance things, can be seen in Minang migrant women's cooperation. When Minang women received help and wanted to take reciprocal actions to achieve balance, they also tried to help again in the same way. It is the same when at the migration site, when Minang women helped, they also hoped to be helped back. Cooperation has become the most common example of EM that usually occurs at the level of interpersonal relationships (Dalğar, 2012). However, this study found that the EM in cooperation by Minang migrant women was not only at the interpersonal level but also occurs at the level of relationships with groups, focusing on family groups. An example can be seen from Minang women, who often did mutual help with their mother's extended family or father's extended family. This study has several drawbacks; among others, the participants' demographics tended to be homogeneous, such as the area of origin, age, and activity at the same migration place (students), and data collection was carried out in one-round interviews. This research also did not involve other parties involved in the cooperation activities of Minang migrant women, such as family or friends who encouraged mutual help. Thus, future research is suggested to pay attention to the participants' heterogeneity and perform data collection by involving other parties as complementary data sources.

CONCLUSION
This study found that Minang migrant women in Yogyakarta hold the cooperation value that has been taught as a vital element in Minang ethnic relations and is a crucial key in maintaining their kinship system. The value of this cooperation was manifested in the form of mutual help, arising from solidarity manifested in actions, namely to help each other and strive to achieve common goals. The cooperation was carried out involving nuclear family, extended family, and close friends. In a migration location, the priority of mutual help tended to be placed on family and friends in the area. The forms of mutual help carried out also varied, such as providing help in the form of services, financial assistance, or help corresponding to the needs. This research can be used as a reference for understanding cooperation activities carried out by Minang migrant women and the realization of cooperation actions.